Monday, 8 June 2020

Reactions, Narratives and Other Thoughts


How you react to something is important. In that first reaction you are establishing how you should react the second or third time you see something similar – and can affect other peoples’ perceptions of you.  They too will react, and their reaction to yours is itself the first link in a chain of reactions.

All Black

It’s not clear when the phrase “All Lives Matter” first appeared, but when it did the reaction was of anger – and although I’ve found it difficult to find the first use of the term, it seems the current interpretation of its intent as racist appears to have been assumed rather than confirmed, despite the inherent inclusivity implied in the statement.  The reaction was certainly understandable.  The logic of pointing out that the statement “Black Lives Matter” is simply about highlighting the societal issues faced by people of colour is sound.  But the vitriolic nature of the reaction immediately made “All Lives Matter” suddenly very attractive to one particular political group, who, believing it to grant them some legitimacy in the diversity stakes of the modern world, decided to adopt it – mostly by trolls on Twitter or Facebook to laugh at the reactions whenever the statement was deployed.

The argument around using “Black Lives Matter” rather than “All Lives Matter” has been communicated many times, so I won’t refresh it here.  Of course if it were possible to say either phrase without any undue political associations being automatically assigned to me, and instead people interpreted the term simply as it is written, then I would gladly say “All Lives” – but I like to think I have the cognizance to realise that the current political climate makes these terms very loaded, and am happy to promote the use of Black Lives Matter.

Be Careful with Statistics

George Floyd is one of several men and women who have suffered at the hands of an over-militarised, under-trained, heavy-handed police force who seem to prize looking cool over actual police work.  The intentions behind each of these acts of violence are often unclear – we must remember that statistics only tell half the story, and do not have any inherent value when analysing a new instance of what appears to be the same thing.  Statistics mean nothing to individual cases.  When watching the video of Floyd’s death, the intention that can be objectively determined is that Derek Chauvin wanted to kill him.  Why?  Well, that is difficult to determine.

The reaction that then followed obviously comes from a source of great pain and unrest that has been bubbling under and over the surface for many years in the United States of America, made all the more painful by the promotion of a man who once advocated for the execution of five innocent non-Caucasian men – in a scene which could have been ripped from the pages of an 80s retelling of To Kill a Mockingbird – to the Presidency of the United States.

Although statistics are useless in analysing individual events, they do paint a rather sorry picture of the USA’s 157-year-long attempt to pull a bloody knife out of the heart of its foundation.  Around 35-40% of its jail population is black, despite this demographic only making up about 12% of the USA’s overall population.  The reasons for this are murky, with some arguing that it is because the US justice system is weighted against black people and others suggesting it is because they account for a higher proportion of the crime rate.  These two narratives of course can coexist, and both point to something which is more difficult to prove because it relies on extracting intentions and biases: is this down to systemic racism or the lack of general social mobility across classes?  With these two narratives sometimes butting heads it is no wonder the United States is so polarised.  It’s reported that the USA is more divided now than it was back in the Civil War.

The Outrage

There is understandable outrage at the death of George Floyd, the most recent example of police officers killing an unarmed black man.  His criminal record should have no impact on the outcry over his death – and even if he had been white or such race issues were not readily present, the circumstances of his death is obscene and the peaceful protests we have seen are an example of why free speech is such an important right for governments, judiciaries and – where possible – constitutions to bestow upon their citizens, and defend from incursion from those with good but inherently dangerous intentions.  This might be why even conservative media outlets and commentators are also expressing their support for the protests and acknowledging that there might actually be a problem here.

When you protest, your voice is heard.  It is fantastic to see that the crowds of people marching through cities across the world in support of George and the others who came before him is ethnically diverse.  It is also great to see that there are police departments in other parts of the United States who are taking a knee or expressing support.

It is not a little concerning that National Guard soldiers are shooting at people standing outside their doorways; journalists are being attacked and detained for reporting on the protests and filming police officers; and governors are being strong-armed into ever-heavier tactics by their President.  One of the more recent developments is police officers covering their name tags and badge numbers to make reporting them harder.

The Nature of the Protest

On any given issue, there are 3 types of people: the supporters, the transgressors, and the apathetic.  As a supporter you are not going to convince the transgressors.  It’s been known to happen, but it’s rare.  The apathetic on the other hand tend to represent the largest proportion of the population; they are the swing voters, the non-partisan, who are more concerned with their financial stability than political and social progress.  They will make up their mind about who to vote for based on a five-minute conversation with Tim From Next Door and what they partially hear on the news.

This is why narratives are important, and accurate ones even more so. 

There have been incidents reported of people dressed in black clothing, wearing masks and headwear, causing destruction: the most popular one (and the one I’ve cited) is of somebody smashing the windows of a shop, but there are others I have seen of a person smashing a pavement/sidewalk; and another asking for help to tip over a van.  They are subsequently accosted by the protestors, and the person either runs away or is handed over to police.  The protestors that step in to stop these actions are examples of people who disagree with the idea that the nature of the protest is not more important than the reason why – they are of equal importance.

In 1955, in Montgomery, Alabama, a black woman refused to give up her seat on a bus to a white passenger, and the ACLU rushed to support her case, believing she will become a symbol of the anti-segregation movement.  Her name was Claudette Colvin.  She was 15 years old, unmarried, and pregnant.  The ACLU decided not to proceed with Colvin as the posterchild of their movement, deciding that she was not be the best person to represent it as the narrative will focus around her as a person, not her act of defiance.  8 months later, Rosa Parks, a 42-year-old married but childless woman also refuses to give up her seat to a white passenger, and the NAACP – of which both she and Colvin were members – decide that she is a better representative of the movement.

As frustrated as members of these movements may be that they have to be so careful about who represents them and how their message is conveyed, they do recognise that the narrative is vital to the furtherance of that message and its ability to penetrate social dogmas.  This is especially true for movements which rally around constructive ideas and progressivism because destructive methods and war-like attitudes make your movement appear hypocritical.

You cannot expect the apathetic proportion of the public who sit on the periphery, ballot paper in hand, to support your movement if their local businesses are being attacked and their tax dollars being spent on replacing the fleets of destroyed police vehicles.  It might sound callous, but it is not about putting money before lives – it’s about making your movement one that is worthy of support, not just in its key message, but its ability to conduct itself with integrity.  Especially when the movement is about questioning the integrity of another group.

Not Just the USA

The United States of America is not the only country struggling with race relations.  The belligerent part of me wants to point out that Asia is much worse(!) – if you’re wondering why Hollywood is still reluctant to put black men in starring roles in their bigger blockbusters, it’s mostly because they’re now trying to sell to 1.3 billion Chinese people who not that long ago made laundry detergent adverts which claim to be able to “clean” your black boyfriend.

I am of course actually talking about my own country, the United Kingdom.  Both the USA and the UK have made great strides in the last 200 or so years of reaching universal legal equality, and this has been achieved – it is cultural and social equality that is the problem and is where the focus now needs to be.  This comes down to supporting these protests – peacefully of course, please see above – and calling out racism whenever it can be identified.  We must always remember to assess a person by their character, not judge them by a group identity.  This too will go a long way to healing these divides.

Statues

About 300 years ago, there lived a man who contributed greatly to the success of my adoptive hometown, Bristol.  He built hospitals, schools, almshouses, and would later represent the city for one term as its Member of Parliament.  When he died, he gave away what was left of his fortune and his request for a small, humble funeral ceremony was ignored.

However, that fortune was built on the back of the slave trade.

Colston engaged in one of the most despicable acts of human trafficking and subjugation ever witnessed in human history.  Colston, like everyone else at the time, believed a lie of white superiority and profited from it, and would be seen by Bristolians who benefited from his mercantile success as a great man, worthy of the making of a statue which would stand facing the harbour in which his trading ships once found port.

In 1999, Pero’s Bridge, named after a slave called Pero Jones, was built across the harbour to allow for quicker pedestrian access between two parts of the city.  It was a purely functional structure, and although the naming of the bridge was considered a bit controversial, it has become an iconic part of the city.  To me, however, it also represented something quite poetic.  Because Pero’s Bridge was built, more-or-less, in the eyeline of Edward Colston’s statue.  The glorified mannequin of a slaver, looking at a functioning bridge named for a slave.

I have come to see statues and monuments less about reverence and more as ornaments of state – if we were to condemn and tear down any statue of any person who acted and possessed opinions considered morally reprehensible to our modern sensibilities then few such structures would exist.  Many people throughout history who have fought for an idea and come to be revered for it have also held opinions which could be considered troubling by modern standards.

Colston’s statue now lies at the bottom of the harbour, pulled down by protestors, rolled and then pushed into its current resting place.  Do not get me wrong, I’m not going to miss it.  In the same way that the morality of a choice is decided at the moment it is practised, there’s little point analysing it after the fact.  I am not even going to suggest it be re-erected – it should be pulled out of the river and put in a museum.  And Colston’s statue is not the first to experience this treatment: at the time of writing, 22 other statues or memorials in the United States have also been removed either by protestors, the local government or the owners – most of the statues were for leaders of the Confederacy during the US Civil War.

Your House

When your neighbour attacks you, you should have a right to defend yourself.  When they do so persistently, the answer is not to burn down the house, because flames tend to spread.  Rather, the answer is to ensure that the community sees the bruises and the cuts – and your community will rally to prosecute the abusive element.

I am confident that the majority of people, at least in the West, stand united against police brutality and abuses of power.  This is the moment when the political leaders of that majority speak for change in Congress.  With the US election looming, police reform could be a leading manifesto pledge for Democrats and Republicans – one the voice of progressivism, and the other the voice of law and order.

The FBI are leading the investigation into George Floyd’s murder.  The idea of using a federal agency to keep state or city policing in check sounds good in practise, but the FBI is itself a law enforcement agency.  Whether at state or federal level, a new independent investigations agency needs to be created which is designed specifically to launch inquiries into police (or FBI) misconduct.

Training also needs improvement.  This is a point that’s been made over and over again, but it’s worth making.  Police training in many European countries is longer than that of the United States, and the carrying and use of firearms is not nearly as common – the US has a very different history of policing and the accessibility of guns means that it makes sense for its frontline officers to be armed, but this in of itself should be grounds to add at least another year of intense handling and discipline training, similar to that given to members of the armed forces.  I may not be nor have I ever been part of the military, but I know enough about gun discipline through my consumption of media to be shocked at the callousness with which US police officers brandish their weapons.  Compare the videos of police officers drawing their sidearms in the most mundane of altercations with the way in which National Guard soldiers keep their rifles slung and fingers off triggers unless ready to fire… this is the benefit of being taught respect for a dangerous tool, something which cannot be learnt in a 3-month crash course.

I have never been much of an activist.  I’ll unhappily admit to being more of a keyboard warrior, but then writing was always my specialty.  I think it’s important to remember that of the thousands of violent grassroot protests or revolutions that have taken place over the course of human history and the small handful of peaceful ones, the latter have a much higher success rate.  This is particularly true in the modern world where there is the benefit of an international audience.

One of the biggest challenges now is keeping the momentum going.  Regardless of how you feel about the media, the one thing that they like reporting on more than anything is conflict and violence because it’s “exciting”.  The objective for Black Lives Matter now needs to be to sanitise their movement of such critique and force the news media to talk about the message.



Sources

Donald Trump on the Central Park Five

Incarceration in the United States

African American Incarceration in Vermont

Crime rates amongst African Americans

USA most divided since the Civil War

National Guard firing at civilians

Attacks on journalists

President Trump’s call with governors

Police covering name badges and numbers

Rioter smashing windows

Chinese laundry detergent advert

Edward Colston

Pero’s Bridge

Black Lives Matter topple Edward Colston statue

Statues recently removed

FBI Investigation Update

Saturday, 1 October 2016

Him, Flying the Red Flag

When Jeremy Corbyn first came to my attention in the throes of the Labour leadership campaign last year, his appearance caught me off-guard.  It wasn’t his intense socialism or demands for nationalistic responsibility – policies that I had thought were anathema to the modern Labour Party in the aftermath of Blair, Brown and Miliband – but rather just his sudden apparition on the stage.  

What caught me out with the man was how obscure he was, and yet how aligned we seemed to be.  Not necessarily on all policy, but certainly in most.  For years I had been telling disillusioned friends seeking revolution in the system that revolutionaries invariably make terrible political leaders and that change should come from within the establishment, something that they would dismiss idly as being fanciful considering how filled with cronies from Oxford, Cambridge and other poncy, privileged places the government was.  How could change be facilitated when guffawing gits controlled the system?

Vote for the people that are most inclined toward change, I would say.  And get involved.  Political apathy was such an annoyance to me that I conceived my final year project at university around that very issue, concerned that my cohorts were not just disillusioned but also blasé about being disillusioned.

Then Corbyn happened.  All of a sudden, it seemed as if there was a groundswell of support, and all of those uninterested people became the opposite overnight.  Suddenly the Islington MP had an army of young, loyal, leftist supporters ready to carry his banner.  They didn’t do it from the side-lines either, choosing to be casual observers whilst hoping the establishment Labour Party would hear them when they cast their ballots… they legitimately joined the bloody thing and cast their own votes.

For a long time I could not put my finger on what I found troubling about Jeremy Corbyn, until the media decided to tell me what it was I should find troubling, which is that he was unelectable.  I looked at him on the podium next to an astute Yvette Cooper and sincere Andy Burnham and in that moment I believed that this scruff would never be a credible Prime Minister.  It went beyond just his appearance.  I’ve always had an issue with career politicians, which is exactly what Corbyn is, regardless of his resistance to adhere to the sting of party whips.

But therein lay the problem.  It wasn’t his “unelectability” that made me concerned for his presence, but the fact that he was so often a rebel that I couldn’t work out why such a supposedly principled man continued to serve with the Labour Party.  Why wasn’t he an independent?  To be free of the shackles of the established system and represent his constituency only.  But then again, perhaps he wanted to continue to represent the worker, and in order to do that it seems you have to possess an in-road with the unions, which have usually always been tied to Labour.  The only problem with this is how he continued to stick with the party during Blairite rule.  The counter to this argument is that plenty of backbenchers stuck with Labour during Blair, and ultimately it was during this period that a chasm started to grow between the Parliamentary Labour Party (filled with Blairites) and the party base (filled with Bennites).

I don’t bemoan Corbyn playing the game, working the system… rather, I think he must.  I have also discarded my previous concerns that he lacks credibility – quite the reverse, I now believe he is the most steadfast candidate in the race to 2020.  We don’t know who will be on the Conservative ticket at the next general election, but based on the list of current contenders I’m not inspired.

Since last year, Jeremy Corbyn has shown himself to be an active and meaningfully different kind of party leader.  At his first PMQs as Leader of the Opposition he made it a democratic affair, inviting questions from the general public to be pitched to the Prime Minister.  Today, he has caved to peer pressure and started wearing a tie (though this begs concern for the future – what would happen if Theresa May displayed disgust at the lack of cravats in the House of Commons?) and put in several impressive performances both in and out of the chamber.  During this second leadership contest, I would not have been surprised if undecided voters went with the Londoner over the Welshman based solely on their debating styles.  Whilst Corbyn refused consistently to be drawn into personal attacks and kept on message, Owen Smith couldn’t help but finish every statement with the aside, “I agree with Jeremy on a lot of things, I just don’t think he is right for the leadership”, which is a pathetically meekish thing to say.  If you agree with most of your opponent’s policies but don’t think they’re right for the leadership, then you’re basically saying, “I agree with Jeremy, but I say it better”.

This is an incredibly arrogant position, assuming your level of charisma is so much higher.  As unfortunate as this may sound, it is true that charisma is so often predicated on your appearance and tone of voice, and Jeremy Corbyn has a wizened received pronunciation which will always trump falsetto Welsh in the ears of the majority of the population.  We’re going into personal attributes here which is wrong, but that is precisely what Smith’s campaign was essentially about.

As I already mentioned, I disagree with Jeremy on a few issues but it is not really the end goal upon which we diverge but the means.  I too would like to see a nuclear free world (at least in weaponised form), but he needs to have a viable alternative to mutually assured destruction to appease party moderates.  Is he going to look into more defensive options to ensure our security?  Sure, I recognise that the idea of launching nuclear missiles is frankly insane, but fundamentalist terrorist organisations actually are insane, and they're much harder to target from a submarine in the Indian Ocean.  

Following on from the above, our energy requirement is increasing incrementally year-on-year for obvious reasons and we need to be able to accommodate the growing demand.  Wind, solar and hydrodynamic sources maybe the preferred option, and are getting cheaper, but still do not beat nuclear on cost against efficiency.  For all those bleating about safety, remember that this is a technology first harnessed in the 1950s, at the same time we were first developing the modern computer.  If in the latter tech we started with levers and switches, and sixty years later are communicating instantaneously with people on the other side of the planet using touch-screen mobile devices, don’t you think our mastery of nuclear safety methods might have come a long way in that same period?  (Disclaimer: I’m not a fan of the Anglo-Franco-Sino deal currently being put into place at the moment).

The rail network needs to be better, but nationalisation is not the answer to everything – half of the problem is that the infrastructure itself (the tracks, signals, stations etc.) need to see more investment and attention.  Whilst I am not arguing that the train companies are to be absolved of blame, one of the reasons why they can’t add more coaches to over-packed trains is because the platforms of numerous stations on the network are too small.  For the millions of pounds being channelled into HS2 and Crossrail, relatively little is going to the maintenance and expansion of the current network.

Yet the policies on which we seem to universally agree are much more numerous.  We share a displeasure with the anachronistic method of criminalising drugs; I find it admirable that he has vocally supported the legalisation of prostitution to ensure the safety of sex workers, so many of whom have few other occupational choices – like addiction, it is difficult to escape from; whilst I don’t agree with him about the train companies, I certainly agree with his wish to see basic national utilities (energy, water etc.) renationalised; and we both oppose the reimplementation of grammar schools.  Whilst our arguments are different, we both recognise that membership of the European Union is a much more nuanced issue than the Brexit debacle gives it credit for.

So where do I stand with Corbyn?  Would I vote for him?  You might be wondering… did I vote for him?  Fortunately, I didn’t get swept up in the social justice hype that surrounded last year’s leadership contest and did not join the Labour Party.  I am not a member of the Labour Party.  I’m not a member of any party.  I am a subscriber to both Private Eye and The New Statesman; I get my news either from the BBC (because despite their biases, they are establishment based, and this in my opinion is better than being politically biased, which is what all other media organisations are) or the Associated Press; the only print media affiliation I felt comfortable with for a time was The Independent (for which I have felt somewhat vindicated since I started reading Private Eye); and in the last two general elections I voted for independent candidates.  I am not beholden to any political party, which gives me a wonderful sense of conscious freedom to vote either for or against Corbyn.

I still have my gripes, such as the half-hearted way he campaigned to remain in the EU and his handling of his core supporters.  Momentum members may say that this is media hype, but that group has been a rallying point for Corbynites who also fall into the social justice warrior category, another facet of modern society that unsettles me.  Corbyn’s unwillingness to admonish this activist group is concerning.  Activism is something that exists in the party political system, certainly, but the appearance of Momentum has created a nasty factional divide.  The fact the general public knows who they are is enough to know their influence, when they would struggle to name another Labour activist group or one within the Conservative ranks.  These gripes are real, but perhaps not enough to normally force me to turn on a candidate who I otherwise feel neither love or hate toward.

The problem still remains.  Whilst his credibility and public image has improved, Corbyn remains unelectable.  I know that people are going to hate me using that word, and have a perfectly good rebuke to it: he just got elected for the second time to leader of the Labour Party.

Yes… in the Labour Party.  Thousands of people voted for Jeremy Corbyn.  313,209 in fact.  But do you want to know what the electorate population of the United Kingdom is?

In 2015, it stood at 44,722,000.

This is also not taking into consideration the fact that Corbyn has been largely reliant on the youth vote to win his leadership campaigns, but that same demographic has been notoriously absent from national votes.  His electability is not based on whether or not he can appear Prime Ministerial, but whether he can realistically – statistically – win a general election in 2020.  By that point, he will be 71 going on 72.  He’ll have faced Prime Minister Theresa May (a seasoned and prickly opponent by all accounts) hundreds of times, and will have been judged on each of those appearances.  He’ll need to quash the dissent in his party, even if it means kicking out the Blairites.  If he wants to maintain his no-personal-attacks method of campaigning, he’ll need to learn how to do that effectively.

But more than this, he will need to address one of the biggest issues that the British public has about him: his stance on immigration.  This is for some people one of the biggest dilemmas facing Britain in the 21st Century, and formed the backbone of the Leave campaign during the EU Referendum.  Currently Corbyn’s position is frankly unacceptable to the majority of voters.

Even the Remain campaign during the EU Referendum didn’t make a pitch on the back of freedom of movement; rather, they couched their argument in legal immigration, and accepted the need to control the border.  It was only the hard left that really wanted us to embrace this mantra of the European Union fully, but the problem with such high-minded rhetoric is it ignores the plain truth that migration will weigh towards the richer areas, because with economic wealth comes greater employment.  Plus, the UK has been subject for decades of a narrative that tells the world we are a rich nation, and barring easy land access to the USA, we should be a final destination for many migrants seeking success.  We can be proud of that, but not stupid – this country needs billions of pounds of greater investment in order to accommodate the increase in demand on our infrastructure, but to do so would plunge us into even greater debt controlled either by other nations or banks.

This puts me in the firing line for being called “right-wing”, but this presumes that the majority of the population of Britain are also either overt or covert right-wingers, in which case, it just further highlights the low chances Corbyn has of becoming our next Prime Minister.  Conservative or UKIP, it doesn’t really matter, because they only have each other to contend with on the right, whilst Labour has the cavalcade of Greens, Scot Nationalists, Lib Dems and Plaid Cymru on the left.  The splintering of the socialist side of the political spectrum is what gave David Cameron absolute control of Parliament in 2015.

Nevertheless I hope that – barring the appearance of a centrist liberal in one of the major parties who even greater represents my views – the Labour Party win in 2020 and Jeremy Corbyn becomes Prime Minister.  It will certainly shut up the moderate Labour members who screamed “unelectable” but held up an odd, barely-known, un-charming narcissist as an alternative.

But with four years to go, there is still a lot to be done, not just to serve as a feasible opponent of government, but also to clean up the Labour house and reconsider the policy.  Out of all things, he must change his position on immigration, but make sure that it is done in the style of a long, drawn out thought process in which he is publicly shown to be persuaded to the idea of either returning to migration rules which existed pre-1973 or implement new policies about restricting the border.  Considering this was a man who voted forty-three years ago against joining the EEC, I’m sure with a bit of theatricality this can be achieved.

He also needs to deal with the New Labour members in his midst, which is an even greater challenge.  Booting them out to form their own party will only hurt Corbyn-Labour’s share of the vote further, whilst keeping them in will raise questions about his leadership style.  Adding to this, the existence of Momentum is damaging his reputation both in and out of the party, so they need to be told to either disband or tone it down.

Yet, the mere fact that I hold conflicting views about Jeremy Corbyn is telling.  With all other party leaders I have really known in my lifetime, I have so often concluded that their failings outweigh their potential.  Yet with Jeremy Corbyn, I haven’t reached that same conclusion.  On the whole, his values fall fairly in line with my own with a couple of notable exceptions.

It comes down to what you find amenable about a candidate.  When Labour first ran in 1997, I’m sure numerous liberal economists voiced concern for their support of PFI schemes, yet 13 million people still voted for them.  When David Cameron sought to get the Tories back into office in 2010, I’m sure plenty of Conservatives were slightly turned off by his Europhilia, but 10 million of them voted for his party anyway.  The question becomes, for his two policy foibles – immigration and Trident renewal, which are both founded in moral reasoning – are we willing to ignore him entirely when the alternative may be an isolationist, privatising, austerity-inducing Conservative candidate?

Wednesday, 13 July 2016

Come What May

I wouldn’t say necessarily that we’ve got a new Prime Minister.  I’d say that we’ve been stuck with one.

It stinks of hypocrisy.  When Gordon Brown took over from Tony Blair, both David Cameron and Theresa May made public statements about how Brown wasn’t elected, and so did not have a mandate for premiership.  Having read far enough into Blair’s autobiography (unfinished, but I think I got to a point and exhausted my interest) it is just blindingly obvious that Brown’s accession was pre-planned.

I too had the same gripe – and this was with a full realisation (not confined by a political expectation to ignore process when it is in your favour) that we, the public, do not vote for Prime Ministers.  As a parliamentary, partisan democracy we vote for members to represent our constituency.  They just so happen to belong to a political party.  And it just so happens that that political party may also win other constituencies.  They may even win the majority.  And it just so happens that the leader of that party gets to be Prime Minister.

So the fact that Gordon Brown became Prime Minister – as Theresa May has now – was and is perfectly constitutional.  My issue was borne out of indignant incredulity: why wouldn’t Brown call a general election?  Surely it would just make sense?  He had just under three years to govern; had a fairly good reputation as a supposedly successful Chancellor; and David Cameron had yet to really establish himself as a potential Prime Minister.  Labour’s poll numbers had leapt up following Brown’s appointment above the Conservatives, and calling a general election (serving democracy) would probably have bolstered those numbers.  It’s all conjecture – and perhaps silly optimism – but I do believe Brown would have commanded an emboldened Labour Party that wouldn’t make the decision three (now five) years later to elect a hopeless sap as their leader for the 2012 general election.

When I talked earlier about hypocrisy, unfortunately I must apologise if some of the stink comes from my own arse.  I cannot in a right mind suggest that Theresa May should definitely call a snap election.  In fact, I am inclined to agree with a lot of Conservatives who say that it would be irresponsible to do so when you consider the context in which she has become our head of government.

Following the vote to leave the European Union (something else I must make a point to talk about), we have started to see the effects that the experts talked about: the destabilisation of the economy.  Whilst it’s perhaps not disaster territory just yet, we have seen a definite fall in investment and the pound fall against the euro.  This is something that anybody should have expected: investment is based on risk, and if you do not see your investment as secure, then why would you risk your money?  The UK out of the European Union just became a riskier venture, and the longer that the country waits to formulate a coherent economic plan, the worse it might get.  In some respects, it is fortunate that Andrea Leadsom dropped out of the race and left it unnecessary to wait any longer for the debates and the vote.

This means that Article 50 can be triggered soon, and an economic policy can be implemented quicker.  As a former consultant, and no sound of scandal from his previous affiliations, Philip Hammond could be seen as a “safe”, or “meh” choice.  During his time as Minister for Defence, he cut military spending at the top of the structure to save money, and was the man who decided to use the army to make up the shortfall in security at the Olympics in 2012.  As far as defining moments go, these aren’t bad, but they’re not necessarily indicators of his ability to be Chancellor of the Exchequer.

You know what, let’s save commentary on the new cabinet until the whole thing has been declared.

This is not to say that I endorse Theresa May.  I hold certain key principles close to my heart: secularism, free expression, democracy and human rights.  Unfortunately, the first three are not necessarily inherent to the United Kingdom.  The head of state is not only a queen but also the head of a church, and there is no legislation that grants us – even de facto – an inalienable right to free speech.  Plus, we are a democracy only at the behest of the monarchy (though they behest, lest they be behead(ed)).

However, we are party to the European Convention on Human Rights.  Remember how the EU Leave campaigns were frustrated at the Remain campaign for conflating the European Union and the European Convention on Human Rights?  Well, it’s worth remembering that now.

Theresa May’s record on human rights has been troubling, and she wants to take us out of the ECHR.  She also wants to bring in restrictions on who should receive the rights lain out in a future British “bill of rights”, undermining the notion that human rights should be universal.  Two people so far have pointed out to me that human rights are a. a relatively recent idea, and b. only a social dynamic.  Er, obviously.  But on the first point, relative to what?  The Civil Rights Movement?  The Suffragette Movement?  Do we consider these movements just as minor as to be compromised?  And as a social dynamic, is it any less important as the separation of church and state?  Innocent until proven guilty?  Even the whole notion of government itself?


I hold the idea of universal human rights in too high a regard to simply dismiss it so I can be mildly optimistic about May’s appointment, but considering this is the corner our political infrastructure has backed us into, I would rather take May’s ladder up into the leaky attic than the trapdoor down into Leadsom’s damp basement.

Monday, 25 April 2016

Issues in Isolation

I’ve noticed a problem with the current debate in the UK – a debate that has actually been ongoing for many years now, but will be coming to a head in June – which is based on the issue of whether the country should remain in the European Union.

The problem is that it is being viewed in isolation.  No single issue – especially when they are political – can be observed in a vacuum, because it always comes with two fundamental burdens: context, and impact.  This is particularly pertinent in this debate, because the referendum on the 23rd June as to whether or not these sceptred isles should leave the European Union will be one of the most important decisions made by the population in the last fifty years.

There are two major parts to the Leave campaign that I want to address.  The first is a current, almost inconsequential aspect, but I want to go into it in some detail to demonstrate the oddness of dismissing the remarks of such a powerful office.  The President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, decided to drop in on London and deliver a quick speech about why the USA would want the UK to stay in the EU.  This was instantly decried by the Leave campaign, who called him out on a few things:
  1. He used the word “queue”, implying that the speech was penned by one of Cameron’s lackeys rather than Obama’s;
  2. The President should not be getting involved in the debate, as he is not British, let alone European;
  3. Why should we pay any attention to this position, when voiced by a man and a country who would never themselves hand over sovereignty to a larger entity?

Let’s address each of these points (within the larger point) one by one.  First, yes, he used the word “queue”.  Of course, it’s entirely likely that the speech was written by Number 10 and not the White House – but then again, this is the general position of the United States anyway, so Obama still consented to giving the speech, so this point is redundant either way.  Plus, it’s entirely likely that Obama’s team simply adapted their vernacular to suit their British audience… whatever, this is a cheap shot and not really worth the time to dissect.

The President’s opinion, when giving speeches as part of his office, generally takes on in that moment the elevated mantle of “policy”.  This isn’t just Mr Obama spouting his personal beliefs, but is an aspect of US foreign policy.  Even the Leave campaign accepts that leaving the European Union would cause initial risk in the markets and require us to re-establish a number of trade deals – this is not in dispute.  When one of those trade deals is with the United States of America (potentially some of our most important deals are with the US), they have a right to voice their opinion on the subject.  This is not domestic policy, this is foreign policy, to which any country in the world with which we have either diplomatic or economic ties can either condemn or condone.

On the third point… they already did.  People seem to have readily forgotten how the United States of America was actually formed.  The original thirteen colonies technically established their independence from the British Empire separately, and it wasn’t until after the Revolutionary War that a union was formalised.  The United States of America is exactly what it says on the tin: a union of states, who agreed to concede sovereignty over certain legislation with the creation and later expansion of the federal government.  Each state has its own senate; individual legislation; independent control over their emergency services; and so on.  The USA’s political makeup is essentially where Churchill initially expected – hoped even – the EEC would finally venture.  Look back through the history of the United States and you see similar gripes against centralisation of authority as we’re witnessing in Europe: consistently throughout the 19th and even into the 20th Century, the romanticised, unruly Midwest saw the federal government as the enemy against liberty.  So sure, perhaps the United States of America as a single entity would not concede their freedom to a larger union, but that’s probably because they’re already part of a union.  If North America ever joined into a larger union, then I can imagine there would be one central federal government, but the next tier would not be “Uesica”, Canada, Mexico etc., and instead be the states and territories.  Colorado, British Columbia and Durango senators would all report directly to the brand new North American senate.

Returning to my opening statement observing points in a vacuum, let’s not forget that the United States of America is currently in the midst of primary voting: deciding which two candidates they will get to choose from in the general election, and for the first time in a long time, the focus of the primary debates has not been on foreign policy, but domestic: tackling institutional racism; reining in Wall Street bankers, welfare and the minimum wage, and so on.  We’re only lucky in some respects that Hillary Clinton is currently the Democratic (and realistically therefore, the general) forerunner for the White House.  At least she’s not as bothered about tackling corruption, so we might be able to get a trade deal on the table relatively quickly.

Back to the initial two points I want to look at, that’s pretty much covered the criticism of Obama’s visit and speech.  The second point is constitution.  With the signing of treaties such as Maastricht and Lisbon, it doesn’t really matter if we didn’t get a say (because our sovereignty comes from the Queen via God, and not the people), what matters is that our legal constitution, organic as it is, changed.  We are tied to the European Union legally in small but powerful ways – the fact that we are holding a referendum on the subject demonstrates this bond.

Whilst I’m wary that such an exercise might quickly be branded “fear-mongering”, “hyperbole” and “speculative”, I do want to quickly have a look at what might happen when we apply this logic to the outcome in which we leave the European Union.  Markets are inherently, by their very nature, based on risk and the security of investment.  It’s undeniable that leaving the EU would cause disruption (as I’ve already mentioned, this is not disputed by the Leave campaign), and would be reliant on how quickly we could re-establish old trade links with European and Commonwealth countries to help stabilise.

Now I want to take the opportunity to remind you, reader, that Scotland had a vote on independence last year, and in my opinion, 45 to 55 was a close victory for retaining the United Kingdom.  What is not so close, is the polling in Scotland regarding sentiment toward the EU; polls consistently show that a majority of Scots would want to stay, and that is also the official position of the Scottish government… er, a government controlled by the Scottish National Party.  Considering Nicola Sturgeon has not ruled out a second referendum, I think leaving the EU and fundamentally changing our constitution – combined with uncertainty in the market place – would be enough for strong voices to call for a second referendum.

I recently visited my grandparents.  They’re very typical of the older generation in the UK: part-observant Church of England, Daily Mail readers, conservative at their core… my grandfather served in the Royal Navy and my grandmother was a teacher.  Yet, despite what you might imagine would be a natural inclination towards leaving the EU to reassert British sovereignty, my grandmother asked how my older brother and I would be voting – my younger brother had previously given his answer, and is based largely on the overwhelming support of the British science community to stay in.  We both also said we would vote to remain in the EU.  My grandmother then surprised by saying that, well, that’s how they shall vote then, as participation in the Union will affect us in greater ways – and for a greater period of time – than them.  I couldn’t help but think how wonderfully progressive her thinking was!

Backlash against Obama:

Scotland’s position on Europe:
http://whatscotlandthinks.org/questions/should-the-united-kingdom-remain-a-member-of-the-european-union-or-leave-the-eu#line


British scientists on the EU:

Thursday, 28 January 2016

Semantics and Other Ponderings

At work, the Metro newspaper is a regular staple in the breakout room, and I usually read it every day either on my lunch hour or in a break period - partly because it keeps me somewhat informed, and also because it can be bloody hilarious.  In the same way that I enjoy reading YouTube comments sometimes - to bask in the glorious stupidity and rare moments of comedic genius - I also quite like perusing the "letters" section in the Metro.

One of the main stories today was about David Cameron's recent use of the phrase "bunch of migrants".  It's clear that David has a rather dim view of immigrants especially considering he's made this faux pas before, so it really shouldn't be a surprise to people.  Then again, I don't think people were surprised by it, just a little offended.

I, on the other hand, am not bemused by Cameron's language - I'm more bemused by how the media has managed to spectacularly upstage the reason why the Prime Minister said "bunch of migrants".  Whilst I don't want to go so far as to imply conspiracy, it is rather odd how the media has managed to do just enough to ensure that people forget the intent behind what Jeremy Corbyn says, whilst making a meal out of the soundbites they can capture out of context.

Cameron was directly attacking Corbyn for his recent visit to Calais, where the Labour leader was appalled by the conditions of the camps and the reaction of the French authorities to the situation.  Instead of listening to his opposition and engaging with them on the subject, presenting the appearance of a concerned (de facto) head of state, he chose instead to disparage his opposite number across the despatch box.  Calling out the Prime Minister for his use of the word "bunch" is attacking semantics.  Who cares what word he used?  The individual statement means nothing, it's the reasoning behind the entire statement that we should be concerned about.


MJ and BS

The next story on the list from Metro was about Michael Jackson, and the casting of a white man to play him in an upcoming movie.  In light of the talk about the whitewashing of the Oscars, I'm sure this story is probably coming at a bad time for Joseph Fiennes and the production company making the TV movie about the late singer's life.  If this film was about MJ when he was black, then I'd agree with all the outraged fans (and surprisingly, no, I'm not being sarcastic there).

Yet, we have to acknowledge that if this film is about Jackson's life after his skin lightened, then casting a black actor only to have his skin toned whiter could be considered a reverse-racism of the actors seventy or eighty years ago who used to apply "blackface" so they could play black people.  Plus, I'm still confused about the whole black-white thing - is having dark skin cosmetic, or cultural?

The word racism was designed to describe situations where somebody is suggesting a difference between two people with distinctive visual differences - borne out of where in the world their ancestors came from - and then implying inferiority as a result of that difference.  Racialism is the same, except it doesn't imply inferiority, simply claiming there to be a difference that has no effect on status.

Yet people seem intent on reclassifying the term "racist" to fit any situation where inferiorities are implied between cultures - which is not the same as race.  All this serves to do is avoid discussion between things upon which we can make claims that takes its cues from philosophy, rather than the scientific basis upon which we can say this:

"There is no such thing as race."

One Twitter user wrote:

"I hope the spirit of MJ comes back and moonwalks all over this BS.  MJ was always proud to be black, no matter his skin colour."

Er... what?  If we want to make the claim - the SCIENTIFIC claim - that the colour of your skin is only skin deep and has no reflection on who you are; your cultural affiliation; what you believe; etc., then comments like the one above have no place in a world where we are trying to break down these barriers.  Black and white is a descriptor of skin colour, in the same way big and small can be descriptors of a person's nose or bulbous and flabby can be descriptors of a person's double chin.  Michael Jackson may have been black once, but he wasn't by the end of his life.

I recognise that there are cultures that people define as "black" and "white", but far from wanting to ignore the problems that arise from these divisions, I do recognise them as problems that need to be overcome by creating a more integrated society rather than perpetuating the idea, "hey, you with the black skin, you stand over there and try and get that ball in that net, whilst we with the white skin stay over here and whack smaller balls with sticks."


Swede Justice

That was supposed to be a play on "swift justice", but it doesn't really work does it?

The final thing that caught my eye in today's Metro (which, at the time I'm writing this is fast becoming yesterday's Metro) was the story about the Swedish National Police Commissioner, Dan Eliasson, who said he felt sympathetic towards a migrant who killed refugee worker Alexandra Mezher.  Naturally, social media erupted, branding Eliasson a monster for his comments.  Let's take a close look at what Eliasson said:

"Well, you are of course distraught on behalf of everyone involved.  Naturally, for the person killed and her family, but also for a lone young boy who commits such a heinous incident.  What has that person been through? Under what circumstances has he grown up? What is the trauma he carries?  This entire migration crisis shows how unfair life is in many parts of the world. We have to try to help solve this best we can."

At the time he was speaking, the suspect in question was being detained in a psychiatric clinic in Sahlgrenska University Hospital, which at least suggests that the police thought him mentally unstable.  Anybody who believes that Eliasson was being unreasonable should also be advocates of locking criminals up and throwing away the key... but that's not how the criminal justice system works, especially in the Western world where we favour rehabilitation over out-and-out punishment.  This is particularly the case in Scandinavian countries, where their "top-security" prisons are more like community homesteads.

For the most part, people who commit criminal acts suffer from various mental afflictions, it's just that they're either too insignificant to be provided psychiatric assistance or they don't steer personalities radically enough; but they do still cause internal conflict within the individual.  Ignoring these problems invariably leads to re-offending; violence; depression; and prison suicides.  One of the best things we can do for first offenders is provide them with the support they need to recognise the fault and find a way to fix it.  Throwing them into a dark cell for a fixed number of years without cause for reflection and change is no help at all, to them or society as a whole.

Eliasson at least seems to recognise this, and rather than simply exact some state-based vengeance upon the boy, wants instead to ensure that he never does it again - without resorting to throwing him in jail for the rest of his natural life.

Perhaps this opinion, rather like Fienne's casting as Michael Jackson, is simply bad timing as Sweden (and the rest of Europe) reacts to and debates the migrant crisis.  Nevertheless, for those who attempt to maintain a steady mind despite the chaos, his comment - along with any others that continue to advocate the values that have defined Western civilisation - is very welcome.



Slang Cameron:
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/pmqs/12124618/PMQs-live-Jeremy-Corbyn-and-David-Cameron-go-head-to-head-on-January-27.html

Ralph Fiennes will Beat It:
http://pagesix.com/2016/01/27/fans-outraged-a-white-actor-is-playing-michael-jackson/

Sweden's Police Commissioner:
http://www.express.co.uk/news/world/638650/Outrage-as-police-chief-shows-sympathy-for-migrant-who-killed-refugee-centre-worker

Monday, 25 May 2015

The Constitutional Question

On Friday, the Republic of Ireland held a referendum to determine whether or not they should allow same-sex couples to marry.  As everyone is aware, the population voted overwhelmingly in favour of this change to the law.

Éire, welcome to the club.

It is of course fantastic that legislation will now be passed to give gay and lesbian couples equal rights when it comes to legal joining, but what is probably touted as the bigger story in this is the fact that they are giving the public a chance to vote on the issue.  Many are claiming it is only democratic to do so, whilst others are saying that the rights of a minority should not be contingent on the support of the majority.

I tend to agree with the latter, but there's more to it than that.  In order to explain, let us go on a little tour of history.

September 17, 1787.  Whilst the constitution of the newly-formed United States of America would still take time to be ratified by the individual states, the constitution itself is still considered today to be one of the finest legal documents ever produced.  It lay down the basic rights of individuals - and despite the rocky years that would lie ahead for this newborn nation - that one piece of paper gave precedence and founding for millions of people to claim that their subservience or degradation was unconstitutional.

On the 26 July 1833, the Parliament of Great Britain concluded its debate on the issue of slavery at a time when the empire itself was a vast beneficiary of the trade.  The slave trade itself had been abolished many years beforehand, but this was more than that - it wasn't just cutting off an economic limb, it was delivering to a vast number of unrepresented people the right that every other white worker had, which was to be paid for their services rather than pressed into doing it.  The law passed just ten years (it sounds long, but a relatively short period of time for the age) after William Wilberforce and others established the Anti-Slavery Society.  Within a month it had been granted Royal Assent, and passed into law.

The Representation of the People Act 1928 was passed on the 2 July, and although it had had predecessors, this was the first law to grant universal voting rights to women in the United Kingdom over the age of 21.  This was significant, not just because of the change it made to women's lives, but also because it was passed by a chamber full of men.

In December 1948, the organisation established at the end of World War II, the United Nations, declared the introduction and adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  Today containing 30 articles, it is considered a bastion of equality and freedom of conscience.

Exactly 36 years after the UK gave women the right to vote, the United States of America passed the Civil Rights Act, which outlawed discrimination based on religion, sex, national origin, or - most notably - skin colour.  It was the result of years of campaigning by various organisations, epitomised today by the speeches and - well, just general life - of Dr Martin Luther King.

These are just a handful of the most well-known examples of significant step changes in human rights - there are many, many more examples that I could give.  The common theme of all these documents and statutes is that they were all written or passed by lawmakers.  Lawyers, more than the people, had a much greater part to play in determining these tenets of equal liberty, and as strange as this might sound, that's exactly how it should be.

Humans did not arrive at the conclusion that all people are equal by asking each and every person if they considered themselves no more or less worthy of an opinion than their neighbour.  When the human species initiated the notion of law, they set into motion a series of events that simply the application of logic told them should be implemented.  Legal professionals understand this better than the population, and again, that might sound anti-democratic, but rights are not things that can be determined by popular vote as they are meant to apply universally anyway.

Of course, Ireland's referendum is required for any change to the constitution to be made.  This perhaps underlines the reason why I like the "organic" nature of the constitution of the United Kingdom, whereby any change to our fundamental political structure can be implemented by new acts of Parliament.  It's a fragile balance, certainly, which is why - if we were to create a constitution one day - I would advocate for a very basic one, which outlined only the fundamental rights of citizens, and ensuring law could never be created that stepped on those rights.

The referendum only deals with the implementation of law relating to same sex couples, but this is disingenuous as it implies inequality even after the fact.  The section of the constitution that deals with the family, Article 41, is horribly written and appears marginally offensive - it needs to be scrapped entirely and rewritten.  You can see clearly just in scanning it that it is basically derived from concepts promoted when the Catholic Church still had an underlining influence in Irish politics.  Considering the outcome of this referendum, it will hopefully lead to some very searching questions in the Oireachtas (the legislature) about the continuing sectarian nature of not just Irish society but its political structure too.

Come on Ireland, don't just implement legislation specifically for same-sex couples.  Change the wording of Article 41 - hell, do away with the entire constitution and start over again, because if you're going to start joining the secular world then you cannot have this following sentence to introduce readers to Article 44:

"The State acknowledges that the homage of public worship is due to Almighty God. It shall hold His Name in reverence, and shall respect and honour religion."



Ireland votes Yes:

The Irish Constitution:

On-topic, but slightly different take.  Interesting read that ultimately starts from the position that marriage is a religious institution:

Wednesday, 8 January 2014

The Trial of V53

Happy New Year!  Especially so to the jury, who celebrated it in style I'm sure, cowering in the back room wondering how suicidal they're going to feel once the verdict has to be delivered.

In August 2011, Mark Duggan was shot dead by armed police officers in Tottenham, London, which sparked massive civil unrest across not just the capital but in cities across the country.  It was a demonstration of just how effective we as a population can be at staging widespread chaos, although, you only have to look back at that fateful week to realise that by the time the looting, vandalism and general hooliganism had reached Manchester, people could barely remember why they were doing it.  They were not doing it in a move of anti-establishment sentiment towards the death of Mr Duggan - rather, they were doing it because idiots had hijacked the mood and just wanted to cause destruction for personal gain.

This inquest has been called the "Inquest Touching upon the Death of Mark Duggan", but aside from the obvious purpose, it also serves another.

It is the Trial of V53.

Of course, to some - namely, the friends and family of Mark Duggan and their supporters - this won't make a blind bit of difference, but to me, it does.  Our criminal justice system is designed in a way that ultimately puts very little strain on the guilty consciences of jury members, by allowing them the displeasure of declaring somebody guilty only if they are beyond reasonable doubt that the defendant is just so.

V53, the alias of the police officer that shot and killed Duggan, is the defendant, and the jury in this inquest were not just making a declaration of the inadequacies of the IPCC but also the innocence of a man: a police officer who was trying to do his job.  I would not dare defend murder, in the same way that I find capital punishment abominable.  Yet the mind of a police officer carrying a lethal weapon is perhaps comparable to that of a soldier on patrol:  If I am in a situation where I believe I am confronting a hostile, who could do harm to civilians, then I have but one choice.  Shoot first.

I cannot imagine what must go through somebody's mind in the moments prior to the point where they decide it is acceptable to open fire.

"It's like a freeze-frame moment, the only thing I was focusing on is the gun.  I'm hoping he's going to drop it.  The next thing he does, he starts to move the gun away from his body.  He's raised the weapon, moved it a couple of inches away from his body.  [Duggan has crossed] a line in the sand.  I'm aiming for the central body mass because I'm looking to shoot to stop.  My focus is glued on the gun."

The fact that V53 shot to kill Duggan is indisputable, but was it a lawful killing?  The question itself sounds somewhat absurd, but let's take this from the point of view of a trial.  A jury is always instructed by a judge to only determine guilt where they are beyond reasonable doubt that the defendant is guilty.  That determination simply cannot be made in this situation.  Even in the final report, the two jurors that opted to go against their eight fellows put "open conclusion" - this is not them deciding that the verdict of the others is fundamentally wrong, rather, it comes across as more of an expression of their neutrality on the matter.  As far as a trial goes, this is a unanimous verdict of "not guilty".

Also, as far as criminal justice goes, one must prove intent.  So let's try and unravel what most people are bemused about, like for example Ken Hinds, a Tottenham-based community activist:

"It doesn't make sense. Since when can a person not have a gun on him and be shot dead and everything still be lawful? It fathoms belief."

Well, because the question that the jury was asked was: "When Mr Duggan received the fatal shot did he have the gun in his hand", not: "When Mr Duggan received the fatal shot did V53 believe he had the gun in his hand."  If it was the latter, then certainly, the jury may have swung the other way, but it would still be the same conclusion.

It must be difficult for the Duggan family and their supporters to hear this decision, and I do think that it was a shame that Mark lost his life that day, irregardless of whether he was a gang member or not.  That question, it seems, is still open to inquiry.  The shadow that has fallen over the Metropolitan Police in the last two years as a result of this incident has usurped public confidence, despite all the good that that organisation has achieved throughout its history.  There are times when carefulness is a trait the Met cannot afford to have, for what if Duggan had been holding a gun, and shot and killed a nearby civilian before V53 or one of his colleagues had opened fire, only for us to hear two years later that the police officer in question had been one hundred percent certain Duggan had been holding a gun, at least five seconds before Mark fired his fatal shot?

Life is precious.  Let's not forget that that is the primary reason the Metropolitan Police exists, however much this inquest has marred its reputation.  So, in the name of balance:




"On any given day highly trained Metropolitan Police firearms officers can and do face life threatening situations in which they have to make instant judgements under incredible pressure.  Yet in the last four years, having responded thousands of times, they have discharged their weapons on just six occasions."
Boris Johnson, Mayor of London

R.I.P. Mark Duggan
15th September 1981 - 4th August 2011